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Mit dem entstandenen Bonusstein können Sie dann eine ganze Zeile oder Spalte auflösen. They responded that they didn't just want public tenders -- they also wanted "public contracts with a surcharge" — overpriced to their advantage.
Strache answered with an extended "Jaaaa. That pledge came from the same man who had just stated that he wouldn't do anything illegal. That legality was sacred to him and that was his greatest strength.
The same man who, in a different part of the video, said he was against inflated prices, that the FPÖ always wanted the best for the country, that this desire was part of the party's idealism.
The video essentially shows a dance, one in which the two decoys continually tried to push Strache right to the edge of what is permissible — and beyond.
In doing so, they repeatedly made extremely clear what they were after: corrupt business deals. The woman explains, that in her practice it is like this: "You put something into it, you give it to someone, you buy a vote.
Then this vote makes something to your advantage. Over and over again, they listed the countries in Eastern Europe that they claimed had agreed to such deals.
Most of the time, Strache remained steadfast: In Austria, he said more than once, things are done differently — passages that were so innocuous that they could have been written by a press spokesman.
It was clear that he would have preferred it had the Russian woman been satisfied with vague, non-specific pledges. At the same time, though, he was apparently wary of driving her away.
The confidant of the supposed Russian woman ultimately asked in an exasperated tone: "Just so I understand correctly: Should I tell her that she can expect nothing in return et cetera?
Then Strache explained how it should work, gesticulating with an unlit cigarette between his fingers: "She needs to tell us that she is interested in this line of business and that line of business and the other line of business.
Like that. And then we'll take a look at what is most beneficial" and "what fits. Throughout the evening, the FPÖ men and the supposed Russian woman spoke about a number of different ideas, all of which essentially focused on one thing: How could the woman allegedly named Alyona Makarova funnel her money into Austria?
Some of the offers made were harmless, such as when Strache suggested she buy up hotels — "awesome, awesome run-down hotels" near good ski resorts "because you can turn them into something.
Things got a bit more tenuous when Strache offered to use the contacts he — and here, the word "allegedly" is perhaps appropriate as well — has almost everywhere in the world.
He quickly added that he probably didn't need to make his Russian contacts available since his counterpart likely already had "good contacts in Russia, probably to Putin.
He said he had been invited to go to China soon, adding that in the country, they like to see political and economic issues in the same hands. He explained that he understood that to mean that the Chinese wanted to know from him who they should be doing business with in Austria.
And he could, of course, make suggestions. Strache even offered the Russian woman a business area the FPÖ had always vilified: the water supply system.
Officially, the FPÖ boss had always been clear on the issue: Water should be "neither a source of profit for companies nor capital for speculators.
Back in April , Johann Gudenus had unleashed a storm of indignation against the SPÖ in Vienna, accusing them of a "red privatization obsession," red being the color generally associated with the center-left party.
One of the examples he used was a water source that had been leased by the city of Vienna to a private company in for commercial use. After the water offer, Strache and Gudenus offered that the Russian woman could get involved in the gambling market, saying they wanted to break up the monopoly in that area, anyway.
At some point, of course, the question came up as to what, exactly, Strache and Gudenus wanted. After all, they had shown themselves to be more than willing to help the Russian woman find a home for her money in Austria.
One of their desires was clear: They wanted support for their campaign from the Krone Zeitung. And then Strache and Gudenus threw out another idea: "If she wants," Strache said twice, "if she likes the idea," she could make a donation to the party.
If not, then not. The political donation issue is problematic on two fronts. On the one hand, political parties in Austria are not allowed to accept donations from foreigners in excess of 2, euros — and one can assume that Strache might have been expecting a bit more than that from a Russian multimillionaire.
On the other hand, Strache and Gudenus didn't intend for her to donate money directly to the FPÖ — as they said repeatedly — but "through the association.
Strache was quite clear about why the Russian woman should donate to the association instead of directly to the party.
When you donate to the party, he said, "it gets reported to the Court of Audits" and "nobody wants that. It is a not-for-profit association, with three lawyers.
It has a charter: making Austria more economically competitive. In Russian, Gudenus reaffirms how secret all this is: nobody would know anything about this association.
Earlier that evening, Gudenus had already claimed that other parties take advantage of the donation loophole as well.
Perhaps that's why Strache and he were so open — because they believed that everyone does it anyway. The FPÖ has been fulminating for years against large donors, making a donation from the Russian woman via the association doubly attractive: It wouldn't be made public.
And here, the meeting in Ibiza revealed yet more murk: If what Strache described is true, then his party has long since established such a system.
According to Strache, another of the donors was the gambling machine company Novomatic. Heinz-Christian Strache and Johann Gudenus, meanwhile, told the Süddeutsche that the donations were never actually received and that they had been clear about the legal restrictions applying "to all potential donations.
The way in which Strache spoke openly to the alleged niece of a Russian oligarch — a woman whom he had never met before — about allegedly covert party donations was one of the strangest parts of the video.
The scene was also memorable when Gudenus, as he was translating the list of the alleged donors for the Russians, stood in the middle of the room and shaped his hands in the form of a pistol when speaking of Glock.
For most of the video, it didn't appear that the FPÖ politicians were at all suspicious that the entire meeting could actually be a ruse.
There were, though, a couple of moments when Strache suddenly looked around, apparently examining the walls as though looking for a hidden camera.
And then there's the moment when all three suddenly became nervous: Gudenus, his wife and Strache, late in the evening.
The two decoys had stepped out of the room for a moment and the three began whispering. The word "trap" was mentioned and "contrived.
Gudenus then responded assuredly: "It's not a trap. Artificial intelligence is too useful and advanced to ignore. But it also comes with huge risks, and should be limited accordingly.
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Paul is 14 years old. For months, he was assaulted and bullied by his classmates, and finally had to leave his school. SZ international Süddeutsche Zeitung, founded , also known as SZ, Germany's largest broadsheet newspaper, publishes articles of international interest in English.
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